Marshall’s theory of citizenship and its relevance inBritain in 2017IntroductionMarshall’s citizenship theory is concerned with social rights, education, and voting. Marshall’s theory on citizenship is compatible with Britain in 2017 due to the fact that schools are influenced by ideological, economic, and cultural forces, and citizenship considers the way in which education functions in class formation, struggle, capital accumulation, and the legitimation of the privileges of dominant groups (Apple, 2017:4). In fact, there is no doubt that schools are institutions of economic and cultural reproduction (Apple, 2017). Similarly, Marshall (2009:149) opines that the institutions most closely connected to citizenship and civilisation are the educational system and the social services. Citizenship has also raised questions on the sense of social solidarity and integration in any given community (Turner, 1990). Thus, citizenship, and every idealised version of it, holds relevance today. Marshall’s theory in particular, has relevance in 2017 due to the fact that there are several distinct forms of citizenship, and each can be understood by taking Marshall’s vision of citizenship as a whole, rather than a sum of parts. Turner(1997) notes that society is faced with two contradictory principles: scarcityand social solidarity. Scarcity results in exclusionary events such as genderdivisions, social classes, and status groups, whilst social solidarity requirescohesive community structures, regardless of one’s social standing (Turner,1997). Gender divisions are the one area that Marshall’s theory on citizenshipfails to consider. Inaddition to the above characteristics of Marshall’s theory, Marshall’s theoryon citizenship considered legal rights as the first form of citizenship(Turner, 1997). In the 19th century, political rights and theirinstitutionalisation in parliament was Marshall’s second notion of citizenship(Turner, 1997). Next, Marshall believed that citizenship was related to socialrights, and that those social rights were institutionalised in the welfarestate (Turner, 1997). When considering these three forms of rights, Marshallargued that citizenship mitigates the inequalities created by capitalism(Turner, 1997:11). Marshall referred to modern industrialist capitalistsocieties as ‘hyphenated societies,’ due to the fact that such societies havesome degree of democratic redistribution of wealth through the institution ofcitizenship.Marshall’stheory on citizenship relies on post-war societies and their relationshipsbetween social class, welfare, and citizenship (Turner, 1997). At the heart ofMarshall’s theory on citizenship is identity. For instance, contemporaryBritain has faced anxiety in granting unconditional comprehensive citizenshipto Hong Kong nationals (Turner, 1997). Turner (1997:7) describes this conceptas ‘social closure’ in which citizenship is determined on aninclusion/exclusion basis, in an attempt to exclude ‘outsiders’ and drive outdiversity. The idea of social closure is still a pervasive concept in 2017, asevidenced by “Brexit.” Openness to diversity and difference is an essentialcomponent of a liberal democracy (Turner, 1997), yet the sentiment of some UK citizensis in conflict with the idea of diversity. Brexit and immigration are discussedlater in the essay.Critique of Marshall’s TheoryMarshall’stheory of citizenship has been criticised for being Anglocentric andevolutionist (Mann, 1987). Mann (1987) suggests that emphasis should be placedon understanding ruling class interactions and anciens régimes rather than risingbourgeois and proletarian classes, which has been the status quo in previouspolitical studies (Mann, 1987).Othercritics discount Marshall’s concept of citizenship due to the fact that histheories were developed in the mid 70’s (Bulmer & Rees, 1996) and the post-WorldWar II political dynamic is much different than it is today. While this may bethe case, it does not negate the fact that Marshall’s lived experiences as aprisoner in Germany and as a social worker, provides a knowledge and culturethat can only be subsumed from such experiences. Such experiences can betriangulated to the adversity that many UK citizens feel today; it is not anoverseas war that many in the UK are fighting- it is an internal war at whichthe will of the underclass of Britain and Britain’s diminishing middle-class isthreatened.It isarguable that Marshall’s theory on citizenship will always have relevance,whether it is in the year 2017, 2060, or later. For instance, in 1978, somescholars pointed out that the concept of citizenship had gone “out of fashion”amongst political thinkers (Kymlicka & Norman, 1994). Yet, 15 years later,citizenship has become a “buzz word” in political discourse (Kymlicka &Norman, 1994). Considered even minimally, it is arguable that Marshall’s theoryis relevant in a cyclical nature. During certain points in time, it could bemore relevant than in other time periods, although the concept itself is alwaysrelevant. Marshall has considered the entitlements of economic structure andcapitalist society (Turner & Hamilton, 1990: 199), and these concepts willalways be a constant. Social Class & Welfare ReformSocialclass, like citizenship, is a system of inequality (Marshall, 2009). Thus,Marshall’s theory on citizenship takes account of the impact of citizenship onsocial class (Marshall, 2009). In fact, Marshall (1950) notes that citizenshipand social class are in conflict. The paragraphs below discuss social class andwelfare reform.Socialwelfare reform has been a central part of Britain’s political agenda sinceMargaret Thatcher’s policies of the conservative government (McLaughlin, 2000).Thatcher’s social welfare reforms included less governmental intervention andless social assistance so as to allow citizens to be more active in theirsocial and economic standing. Thatcher’s policies also known as ‘Thatcherism’encouraged greater citizen freedom and free market (McLaughlin, 2000). The ideaof a free market is in line with Marshall’s view on citizenship. FollowingThatcher’s policies, the Labour government reinvented social welfare after their1997 win (McLaughlin, 2000). Given the stark contrast between the Conservativegovernment’s policies and the Labour Party’s policies, it is arguable thatMarshall’s understanding of citizenship is very much relevant to today’sBritain.Marshall’shypothesis rested on an economic calculation that the cost of providingeducation for all would increase a country’s productivity (Marshall, 1950: 6).Although Marshall’s hypothesis was calculated at a time in which physicallabour was heavily utilised, affordable access to education is a concept thatmany in Britain worry about (Yuan & Powell, 2013). While Liberals and theLabour Party push for more social services such as education bursaries andgrants for lower income families, Conservatives hold the view that educationshould not be a part of the social welfare system (Counts, 1978). Thus, this isthe very notion of citizenship in which minimal access to education furtherwidens inequality and inequality is inversely correlated with citizenship.Inequality is inversely correlated with citizenship due to the fact that thehigher the inequality that exists, the lower the [participation] of citizenship,due to the fact that individuals faced with economic hardship are less likelyto vote (Rosenstone, 1982). Arguably, the higher the citizenship, the lower theinequality of citizenship.Priorto the Labour’s win in 1997, the Labour Party stated that welfare reform wouldbe one its major campaign promises that it kept (Powell, 2000). The Labour’srhetoric was said to be a new and distinctive method that differed from boththe old left and the new right (Powell, 2000). At the heart of the party’scampaign, however, was the need for social change and reform. Marshall’sconcept of citizenship is relevant to that period and today’s period due to thefact that social reform is still a heavily debated concept in 2017.Anotherelement that points to the relevance of Marshall’s theory on citizenship iswelfare fraud. Welfare fraud is a hot-button topic for many political campaigns,despite its occurrence on a small scale. The British public believes that 27%of the UK’s welfare budget is lost to fraud (Trade Unions Congress, 2013) whilethe government’s records of funding lost to welfare fraud is 0.7% (TUC, 2013).And according to a poll conducted by the Trades Union Congress (TUC), Ministersshould not assume that voters will continue to support Ministers’ plans to capwelfare benefit rises. The TUC’s research further notes that voters who areleast able to provide accurate results on benefits are most likely to back thegovernment’s plan to cut benefits (TUC, 2013). The poll results paint a bleakpicture on citizen perception on unemployment. For instance, the TUC poll showsthat once citizens learn that the benefits cap will hit workers in low paidjobs the most, support moves away from the government (TUC, 2013). The pollalso demonstrated that 61% of individuals polled believed that 41% of theentire welfare budget goes to unemployed people, while the true figure is 3%(TUC, 2013). Overall, the results of the poll demonstrate that misconceptionson poverty and unemployment are what fuel misleading news stories andsensationalised campaign points. This is relevant to Marshall’s notion ofcitizenship because people need to understand the real causes and issuesplaguing social welfare and unemployment: welfare fraud is not one of them. Byremaining uninformed, an electorate may very well vote against their betterinterests, and in turn, this foster inequality. Marshall (1950) suggested thatit was the state’s social responsibility to help the working class and poor toutilise their political and civil rights, and this can only be accomplishedwith an informed voter base. This is especially true due to the fact that cutsin social security programs have disproportionately affected women (Shelley& Gavigan, 2004). Cuts to these programs have affected single mothers inparticular (Shelley & Gavigan, 2004). Shelley and Gavigan (2004) make acritical point when they note that public discourse and social images onwelfare fraud erroneously link poverty and welfare to crime.Brexit & ImmigrationPriorto Brexit, many political analysts suggested that the determining factor onattitudes for leaving or staying in Britain was immigration, while otherssuggested that the determining factor was the advantage versus the disadvantageof EU membership (McKee & Galsworthy, 2016). Although ‘Brexit’ took placein 2016, the effects of the vote are apparent in 2017.Tiedto Brexit is immigration. As immigration is a global concern, minority groupsand liberal assimilationist concepts of citizenship have dominated politicaldiscourse. The same can be said for Britain’s immigration “problem.”Thepublic vote to leave the EU brought about issues of citizenship and ‘otherness’(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). In fact, a poll conducted by the BritishElection Study (BES) demonstrated that anti-immigration rhetoric shaped publicsupport for Brexit (Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). For instance, increases inthe rate of immigration in the UK were key predictors of the vote for Brexit(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). It is not surprising that Britain has takenissue with immigration for several years. Journalists and reporters have seenincreased attacks on EU migrants and minorities in record number, and itappears that this problem has only increased subsequent to Brexit (Goodwin& Milazzo, 2017). Further to the violence and anti-immigrant sentiment, theanger and xenophobia against immigrants are expected to become more intense(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). Inconsidering the other side of the argument, Marshall’s theory may not be as relevantto the year 2017 due to the fact that Marshall’s theory focused on the exerciseof political power and voter turnout for Brexit was low (Goodwin & Heath,2016). Marshall noted that citizens exercise participation of political powerby voting, and if citizens do not exercise this right, they cannot be said tobe involved in the political process. Arguably, a lack of participation pointsto apathy or ‘hopelessness.’ Marshall argued that citizenship “is a statusbestowed on all those who are full members of a community.” (Marshall,1950:28). Such members carry out their responsibilities by voting andcompleting civic obligations. On the other hand, Banks’ (2008) theory oncitizenship which is still evident in today’s society is similar to Marshall’snotion of citizenship as Banks rejects assimilation, arguing that citizenshipshould reflect diverse cultures and languages. Further, diverse groups rightscan aid individuals in attaining structural equality.Education ReformEducationreform has been a hot button issue for the past 20 years (Torres, 1998).Education reform and citizenship are interrelated concepts due to the fact thatcitizens exercise their rights to vote on education. Education is not only ahuman right, but it is a concept that is at the forefront of the electorate.While some authors note that the discussion of schools in the UK remainmarginal to the policy process or they are heard minimally through teachingunions (Bowe, Ball, & Gold, 2017), the consensus is that educational reformis an important campaigning point, and this is acknowledged by politicalpundits.Anotherreason why education reform and citizenship are linked is because the socialdivision of labour and educational systems are connected. This is in line withMarshall’s theory on citizenship due to the fact that discussions oneducational reform have centred around schools and their ability to reduce thedivision of labour and lessen existing inequality (Apple, 2017).The UK’s Housing CrisisThecurrent housing crisis in the UK is another issue that is related tocitizenship, due to the fact that it is a social phenomenon that the electorateholds a stake in. The housing crisis also exacerbates inequality, andinequality is a fundamental precept of citizenship, as noted by Marshall.Thehousing crisis in the UK is a problem that began after World War II (Gurran& Whitehead, 2011). Post-war planning legislation was instated in order toensure that there was adequate supply of housing land, but much of thelegislation failed to account to for Britain’s growing population (Gurran &Whitehead, 2011). Since the passing of such legislation, there has been awidening gap between housing demand and supply in the UK, leading to thehousing crisis (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). The question of whetherMarshall’s theory on citizenship pertains to today’s housing crisis in the UK,rests on government intervention. While Marshall was largely against stateintervention in some respects, Marshall supported the state using its power foreducation and basic assistance (Marshall, 1950). Proponents of improved andaffordable housing conditions suggest that the government should vigorously beinvolved in the planning process and provide adequate housing provisions forlow-income households (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). While Conservativesbelieve that the private market should be able to balance development and theinterests of the UK citizens, Liberals believe that state intervention willprovide equitable and socially beneficial forms of housing for those that aremost in need (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). Gurran and Whitehead (2011) arguethat state intervention is the only solution that will ease the housing crisisdue to the fact that less land will be available for activities that generatenegative externalities, resulting in higher housing prices, whilst more landwill be available for uses that include greater social benefit. Stone (2006)also notes that affordable housing is a social issue that must take account ofcurrent incomes in the UK. Affordable housing can mean subsidised housing andliveable housing conditions (Stone, 2006). Thus, Marshall’s theory wouldinclude support for affordable housing, given the inequalities that exist inthe housing shortage.FeminismAsfeminism has gained steam in the last 20 years, so has the quest for equality(Brooks, 1997). Postmodern feminism and citizenship moves beyond the mainlywhite, male, middle-class perspective that much of history has been based on. Further,the absence of gender causes problems for understanding citizenship (Walby,1994). Walby (1994) argues that discussions on citizenship must consider theways in which gender can be integrated into citizenship (Walby, 1994). Thus,citizenship must consider a dynamic theory of gender relations and politicalcitizenship that destabilises patriarchy and restores equal citizenship (Walby,1994).Somescholars note that Marshall’s theory of citizenship is not applicable todaybased on Marshall’s linear view on citizenship. These scholars argue thatMarshall’s perspective on citizenship is that of a white, heterosexual male,and that it does not take account of minorities, women, lesbians, orhomosexuals (Turner, 2009).Lister(2003) notes that active citizenship can be accomplished by questioning deeplyentrenched dichotomies and understanding the more coercive forms of active citizenshipwhich are dominated by political agendas. The other way that active citizenshipcan be accomplished is by refusing to accept unfounded definitions andconstructions of “insiders” and “outsiders” in relation to individual rights oncitizenship, and this requires a deep regard for gender equality.Postmodernistfeminist also allows issues of child care, education, and work-life balance tobe considered as a matter of both genders, despite those issues beingconsidered as ‘female’ issues. Lister (2003) has allowed poor gendered versionsof citizenship to be questioned, which is what Marshall’s theory on citizenshipfails to do.ConclusionWhile Marshall’s theory on citizenship focused mainlyon the free market, Marshall also considered with the inequalities that camewith citizenship. On this end, Marshall’s theory is still applicable to Britainin the year 2017, due to the fact that inequalities linked to citizenship stillexist in Britain. The housing crisis has also demonstrated the applicability ofMarshall’s theory. Brexit has demonstrated that there is anti-immigrantsentiment, despite the fact that the selling point for joining the EU was thefree movement of people and goods. The one area that Marshall’s theory oncitizenship may not apply to, is feminism.In regards to gender and inequality, the negativehistorical treatment of poor women on welfare have clouted public discourse(Shelley & Gavigan, 2004) on the real social welfare issues. Thecriminalisation of poverty in Britain raises theoretical questions on theregulation and control of Britain’s welfare state. Thus, Marshall’s theory oncitizenship fails on this particular point due to the fact that Marshall’sperspective considers that of the white male, while largely ignoring women andtheir struggle and position as second-class citizens. As citizenshiphas re-emerged as an issue which is central to political concerns regarding healthcare,education, and social security (Turner, 1990), it must also consider the fightfor equality and feminism- otherwise, citizenship is not truly considered inits totality.BibliographyApple, M.W. 2017. Cultural and Economic Reproduction inEducation: Essays on Class, Ideology, and the State (London: Routledge).Banks, J.A.2008.Diversity, Group Identity, and Citizenship Education in a Global Age. Educational Researcher, 37(3), 129-139.Bowe, R., Ball, S.J., Gold, A. 2017. 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